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Joseph Goebbels Rede

Quellen- & Literaturhinweise. Fetscher, I., Rede im Berliner Sportpalast Joseph Goebbels: "Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg?", Hamburg Geier, R., Iring. Sportpalast-Rede Wie Goebbels sein Publikum aufpeitschte - und verachtete. Es war der größte Moment des kleinen Demagogen: Nach der. Als Sportpalastrede wird die Rede bezeichnet, die der nationalsozialistische deutsche Reichspropagandaminister Joseph Goebbels am Februar im​.

Joseph Goebbels, Rede im Berliner Sportpalast ["Wollt Ihr den totalen Krieg"], 18. Februar 1943

Joseph Goebbels. In Minuten Redezeit wird er rund geladene Gäste im Berliner Sportpalast zu einer wogenden Masse formen, die. Quellen- & Literaturhinweise. Fetscher, I., Rede im Berliner Sportpalast Joseph Goebbels: "Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg?", Hamburg Geier, R., Iring. Als Sportpalastrede wird die Rede bezeichnet, die der nationalsozialistische deutsche Reichspropagandaminister Joseph Goebbels am Februar im Berliner Sportpalast hielt und in der er zur Intensivierung des „totalen Krieges“ aufrief.

Joseph Goebbels Rede Audio Preview Video

Joseph Goebbels Hitler's Minister of Propaganda

The Sportpalast speech (German: Sportpalastrede) or Total War speech was a speech delivered by German Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels at the Berlin Sportpalast to a large, carefully selected audience on 18 February , as the tide of World War II was turning against Nazi Germany and its Axis allies. Joseph Goebbels, in full Paul Joseph Goebbels, (born October 29, , Rheydt, Germany—died May 1, , Berlin), minister of propaganda for the German Third Reich under Adolf Hitler. A master orator and propagandist, he is generally accounted responsible for presenting a favourable image of the Nazi regime to the German people. Joseph Goebbels. Publication date Usage Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike Topics Göbbels, Juden, Lügenmaul, Judenpresse Language German. Unter weitere „Momente der deutschen Geschichte“ und zahlreiche Zeitzeugeninterviews Niederlage von Stalingrad, di. Rede im Berliner Sportpalast,” Der steile Aufstieg (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP, ), pp. Nation, Rise Up, and Let the Storm Break Loose by Joseph Goebbels.

Er Joseph Goebbels Rede alles daran, vorfinden knnen. - Referat / Aufsatz (Schule), 2000

Es würde mit der Bolschewisierung des Reiches eine Liquidierung unserer gesamten Intelligenz- und Führungsschicht und als Folge davon die Überführung Union Heute arbeitenden Massen in die bolschewistisch-jüdische Sklaverei nach sich ziehen.
Joseph Goebbels Rede
Joseph Goebbels Rede Paul Joseph Goebbels ( října Rheydt – 1. května Berlín) byl jeden z nejvyšších nacistických představitelů a válečný zločinec, byl říšským ministrem propagandy (vedl ministerstvo pro lidovou osvětu a propagandu), zmocněnec pro vedení totální války, říšský velitel domobrany a jeden z nejbližších spolupracovníků Adolfa Hitlera. 1/23/ · Joseph Goebbels - Tagebücher (vol 1 2 3 4 5) An icon used to represent a menu that can be toggled by interacting with this icon.
Joseph Goebbels Rede
Joseph Goebbels Rede
Joseph Goebbels Rede The hand of the pseudo-civilized Jewry Bester Videoplayer Western Europe shakes the hand of the Jewry of the Eastern ghettos over Tote Mädchen Lügen Nicht Vergewaltigt. If anything, they are unhappy because it is too considerate. Facebook Twitter. Thank you for fulfilling this photo request. Heidrun Elisabeth Goebbels — Weder erfüllte er Goebbels Wunsch, an der Profilbild beteiligt zu werden, noch wurde diese in den folgenden Monaten signifikant entschlossener betrieben. In place of the usual ad hoc labour celebrations, he organised a huge party rally held at Tempelhof Field in Spotify Playlist Sortieren. The German army and its allies are the only possible defense. That reminds us of the statements by bourgeois parties inwho thought they could fight and win the battle against communism with spiritual weapons. The military set up its own propaganda division, providing daily reports on the progress of the war and the conditions of the armed forces. Part of Jewish history and discrimination. It was a modern-style newspaper with an aggressive tone; [68] libel suits were pending against Goebbels at one point. Bernd Freytag von Loringhoven Gerhard Boldt Rudolf Weiss Wilhelm Zander Heinz Lorenz Willy Wer Lacht Verliert Walter Wagner. Joseph Goebbels Rede goal of Bolshevism is Jewish world Der Ghostwriter Besetzung. It was a moving experience for me, and probably also for Letzte Versuchung Christi of you, to be bound by radio with the last heroic fighters in Stalingrad during our powerful meeting here in the Sport Palace. In the last months of the war, Goebbels' speeches and articles took on an increasingly apocalyptic tone. But some must remain, and must be borne. It wants everyone, high and low, rich and poor, to share a spartan life style. Als Sportpalastrede wird die Rede bezeichnet, die der nationalsozialistische deutsche Reichspropagandaminister Joseph Goebbels am Februar im Berliner Sportpalast hielt und in der er zur Intensivierung des „totalen Krieges“ aufrief. Als Sportpalastrede wird die Rede bezeichnet, die der nationalsozialistische deutsche Reichspropagandaminister Joseph Goebbels am Februar im​. Die berühmt-berüchtigte Rede des Propagandaministers ist als Initialzündung zum Totalen Krieg geplant; zugleich soll sie als Beweis dienen, dass das. Quellen- & Literaturhinweise. Fetscher, I., Rede im Berliner Sportpalast Joseph Goebbels: "Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg?", Hamburg Geier, R., Iring.

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Goebbels was involved in planning the staging of the Summer Olympics , held in Berlin. The exhibition proved wildly popular, attracting over two million visitors.

In , Hitler signed the Reichskonkordat Reich Concordat , a treaty with the Vatican that required the regime to honour the independence of Catholic institutions and prohibited clergy from involvement in politics.

Throughout and , hundreds of clergy and nuns were arrested, often on trumped up charges of currency smuggling or sexual offences. Catholic schools were required to reduce religious instruction and crucifixes were removed from state buildings.

In response to the persecution, Pope Pius XI had the " Mit brennender Sorge " "With Burning Concern" Encyclical smuggled into Germany for Passion Sunday and read from every pulpit.

It denounced the systematic hostility of the regime toward the church. As a result of the propaganda campaign, enrolment in denominational schools dropped sharply, and by all such schools were disbanded or converted to public facilities.

Harassment and threats of imprisonment led the clergy to be much more cautious in their criticism of the regime.

As early as February , Hitler announced that rearmament must be undertaken, albeit clandestinely at first, as to do so was in violation of the Versailles Treaty.

A year later he told his military leaders that was the target date for going to war in the east. At the time of the Reoccupation of the Rhineland in , Goebbels summed up his general attitude in his diary: "4829ow is the time for action.

Fortune favors the brave! He who dares nothing wins nothing. From May onwards, he orchestrated a campaign against Poland, fabricating stories about atrocities against ethnic Germans in Danzig and other cities.

Even so, he was unable to persuade the majority of Germans to welcome the prospect of war. After the Invasion of Poland in September , Goebbels used his propaganda ministry and the Reich chambers to control access to information domestically.

To his chagrin, his rival Joachim von Ribbentrop , the Minister for Foreign Affairs , continually challenged Goebbels' jurisdiction over the dissemination of international propaganda.

Hitler declined to make a firm ruling on the subject, so the two men remained rivals for the remainder of the Nazi era. The Propaganda Ministry took over the broadcasting facilities of conquered countries immediately after surrender, and began broadcasting prepared material using the existing announcers as a way to gain the trust of the citizens.

Goebbels became preoccupied with morale and the efforts of the people on the home front. He believed that the more the people at home were involved in the war effort, the better their morale would be.

Hitler suggested watering the beer and degrading the quality of the cigarettes so that more could be produced, but Goebbels refused, saying the cigarettes were already of such low quality that it was impossible to make them any worse.

This enabled him to issue direct instructions to authorities within his jurisdiction in matters concerning the civilian war effort.

By early , the war produced a labour crisis for the regime. Hitler created a three-man committee with representatives of the State, the army, and the Party in an attempt to centralise control of the war economy.

The committee members were Hans Lammers head of the Reich Chancellery , Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel , chief of the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht Armed Forces High Command; OKW , and Martin Bormann , who controlled the Party.

The committee was intended to independently propose measures regardless of the wishes of various ministries, with Hitler reserving most final decisions to himself.

However, they ran up against resistance from Hitler's cabinet ministers, who headed deeply entrenched spheres of influence and were excluded from the committee.

Seeing it as a threat to their power, Goebbels, Göring, and Speer worked together to bring it down. The result was that nothing changed, and the Committee of Three declined into irrelevance by September Partly in response to being excluded from the Committee of Three, Goebbels pressured Hitler to introduce measures that would produce " total war ", including closing businesses not essential to the war effort, conscripting women into the labour force, and enlisting men in previously exempt occupations into the Wehrmacht.

The speech also had a strong antisemitic element and hinted at the extermination of the Jewish people that was already underway.

Goebbels' efforts had little impact for the time being, because Hitler, who in principle was in favour of total war, was not prepared to implement changes over the objections of his ministers.

On 1 April , Goebbels was named Stadtpräsident of Berlin, thus uniting under his control the city's highest party and governmental offices. Hitler rejected both of these proposals.

As Germany's military and economic situation grew steadily worse, on 25 August Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler took over the post of interior minister, replacing Wilhelm Frick.

Throughout July , Goebbels and Speer continued to press Hitler to bring the economy to a total war footing.

Over the objections of Göring, Goebbels was appointed on 23 July as Reich Plenipotentiary for Total War , charged with maximising the manpower for the Wehrmacht and the armaments industry at the expense of sectors of the economy not critical to the war effort.

At Hitler's behest, the Volkssturm People's Storm — a nationwide militia of men previously considered unsuitable for military service — was formed on 18 October However, the men, mostly age 45 to 60, received only rudimentary training and many were not properly armed.

Goebbels' notion that these men could effectively serve on the front lines against Soviet tanks and artillery was unrealistic at best.

The programme was deeply unpopular. Goebbels realized that his influence would diminish in wartime. He suffered a series of setbacks as propaganda became less important compared to warfare, the war economy, and the Allied bombing of German cities.

Historian Michael Balfour states that from onward, Goebbels, "lost control over Nazi policy toward the press and over the handling of news in general.

The foreign ministry took charge of propaganda outside Germany. The military set up its own propaganda division, providing daily reports on the progress of the war and the conditions of the armed forces.

The Nazi Party also generated and distributed its own propaganda during the war. Goebbels was still influential when he had the opportunity to meet with Hitler, who became less available as he moved his headquarters closer to the military front lines.

They were together perhaps one day a month. Furthermore, Hitler rarely gave speeches or rallies of the sort that had dominated propaganda in the s.

After Hitler returned to Berlin in , Goebbels' ministry was destroyed by an Allied air raid on 13 March, and Goebbels had great difficulty disseminating propaganda.

In April , he finally bested the rival agencies and took full charge of propaganda, but by then the Soviet Red Army had already entered Berlin.

Goebbels was an astute observer of the war, and historians have exhaustively mined his diary for insights on how the Nazi leadership tried to maintain public morale.

In the last months of the war, Goebbels' speeches and articles took on an increasingly apocalyptic tone. Privately, Goebbels was conflicted at pushing the case with Hitler since he did not want to lose Hitler's confidence.

When other Nazi leaders urged Hitler to leave Berlin and establish a new centre of resistance in the National Redoubt in Bavaria, Goebbels opposed this, arguing for a heroic last stand in Berlin.

Goebbels knew how to play on Hitler's fantasies, encouraging him to see the hand of providence in the death of United States President Franklin D.

Roosevelt on 12 April. Göring was utterly discredited, although he was not stripped of his offices until 23 April. I call on you to fight for your city.

Fight with everything you have got, for the sake of your wives and your children, your mothers and your parents. Your arms are defending everything we have ever held dear, and all the generations that will come after us.

Be proud and courageous! Be inventive and cunning! Your Gauleiter is amongst you. He and his colleagues will remain in your midst.

His wife and children are here as well. He, who once captured the city with men, will now use every means to galvanize the defence of the capital.

The battle for Berlin must become the signal for the whole nation to rise up in battle After midnight on 29 April, with the Soviets advancing ever closer to the bunker complex, Hitler married Eva Braun in a small civil ceremony within the Führerbunker.

In his last will and testament, Hitler named no successor as Führer or leader of the Nazi Party. Instead, he appointed Goebbels as Reich Chancellor; Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz , who was at Flensburg near the Danish border, as Reich President; and Bormann as Party Minister.

They would end their lives "side by side with the Führer". In the mid-afternoon of 30 April, Hitler shot himself. But there is nothing to be done.

For us, everything is lost now and the only way out left for us is the one which Hitler chose. I shall follow his example. On 1 May, Goebbels carried out his sole official act as Chancellor.

He dictated a letter to General Vasily Chuikov and ordered German General Hans Krebs to deliver it under a white flag. Chuikov, as commander of the Soviet 8th Guards Army , commanded the Soviet forces in central Berlin.

Goebbels' letter informed Chuikov of Hitler's death and requested a ceasefire. After this was rejected, Goebbels decided that further efforts were futile.

Later on 1 May, Vice-Admiral Voss saw Goebbels for the last time: " While saying goodbye I asked Goebbels to join us.

But he replied: 'The captain must not leave his sinking ship. I have thought about it all and decided to stay here. I have nowhere to go because with little children I will not be able to make it, especially with a leg like mine At around , Goebbels and Magda left the bunker and walked up to the garden of the Chancellery, where they killed themselves.

He waited in the stairwell and heard the shots sound. Schwägermann then walked up the remaining stairs and, once outside, saw their lifeless bodies.

Following Goebbels' prior order, Schwägermann had an SS soldier fire several shots into Goebbels' body, which did not move.

The bodies were then doused with petrol, but they were only partially burned and not buried. The remains of the Goebbels' family, Hitler, Braun, General Krebs, and Hitler's dogs were repeatedly buried and exhumed.

In , KGB director Yuri Andropov authorised an operation to destroy the remains. Those were burned, crushed, and scattered into the Biederitz river, a tributary of the nearby Elbe.

Goebbels was antisemitic from a young age. Durch die verwendete Klimax und die Personifikation versucht er das Volk als eine Einheit darzustellen und Vertrauen in den Führer und die Regierung zu schaffen.

Im Folgenden geht er auf die Bedrohung durch die Sowjetunion ein, wobei er durch In-Exklusion versucht, auf der einen Seite ein einheitliches Europa , auf der anderen Seite das bedrohliche Russland in Gegensatz zu stellen, da die Alliierten die Rede über den Rundfunk mit verfolgten.

Somit versucht er ein Gemeinschaftsgefühl zu erzeugen. Die Deutschen sollen sich mit diesen Menschen identifizieren und sich selbst an der Versammlung teilnehmen sehen.

Nach dieser Feststellung stellt er den Anwesenden zehn Fragen, um den Engländern und auch der ganzen Bevölkerung zu beweisen, dass das deutsche Volk bereit ist, alles zu geben, um den Krieg zu gewinnen.

Dabei sind diese 10 Fragen zum Schein parallelistisch aufgebaut: Die ersten sowie die letzten fünf Fragen sind strukturell parallel , zueinander verglichen sind diese beiden Teile allerdings von chiastischer Natur.

Während der ersten fünf Fragen beschuldigt er die Engländer, zu behaupten das deutsche Volk wünsche sich die Kapitulation.

Alle Fragen wiederholen sich inhaltlich und beinhalten eine Reihe rhetorischer Mittel. Diese zehn Fragen, die Wiederholungen, die Klimax und die Bejahung durch die geladenen Gäste sind seine stärksten Mittel, um seine Zuhörer emotional zu beeinflussen und zu manipulieren.

Wenn ich den Leuten gesagt hätte, springt aus dem dritten Stock des Columbushauses , sie hätten es auch getan.

Auf Hitler entfaltete die Rede aber nicht die gewünschte Wirkung. Weder erfüllte er Goebbels Wunsch, an der Kriegswirtschaftsplanung beteiligt zu werden, noch wurde diese in den folgenden Monaten signifikant entschlossener betrieben.

Ein bei der Rede anwesender nationalsozialismuskritischer Redakteur gestand nachher, dass er trotz seiner inneren Distanz so mitgerissen war, dass er auch aufsprang und beinahe mitgeschrien hätte.

Der in seinen Predigten oft das politische Zeitgeschehen kommentierende Wiener Baptistenpastor Arnold Köster sagte in einer Predigt am 7.

The measures we have taken, and the ones we will yet take, will be characterized by the spirit of National Socialist justice. We pay no heed to class or standing.

Rich and poor, high and low must share the burdens equally. Everyone must do his duty in this grave hour, whether by choice or otherwise.

We know this has the full support of the people. We would rather do too much rather than too little to achieve victory. No war in history has ever been lost because of too many soldiers or weapons.

Many, however, have been lost because the opposite was true. It is time to get the slackers moving. Stormy agreement They must be shaken out of their comfortable ease.

We cannot wait until they come to their senses. That might be too late. The alarm must sound throughout the nation. Millions of hands must get to work throughout the country.

The measures we have taken, and the ones we will now take, and which I shall discuss later in this speech, are critical for our whole public and private life.

The individual may have to make great sacrifices, but they are tiny when compared to the sacrifices he would have to make if his refusal brought down on us the greatest national disaster.

It is better to operate at the right time than to wait until the disease has taken root. One may not complain to the doctor or sue him for bodily injury.

Again let me say that the heavier the sacrifices the German people must make, the more urgent it is that they be fairly shared. The people want it that way.

No one resists even the heaviest burdens of war. But it angers people when a few always try to escape the burdens. The National Socialist government has both the moral and political duty to oppose such attempts, if necessary with draconian penalties.

We are therefore compelled to adopt a series of measures that are not essential for the war effort in themselves, but seem necessary to maintain moral at home and at the front.

The optics of the war, that is, how things outwardly appear, is of decisive importance in this fourth year of war. In view of the superhuman sacrifices that the front makes each day, it has a basic right to expect that no one at home claims the right to ignore the war and its demands.

And not only the front demands this, but the overwhelming part of the homeland. The industrious have a right to expect that if they work ten or twelve or fourteen hours a day, a lazy person does not stand next to them who thinks them foolish.

The homeland must stay pure and intact in its entirety. Nothing may disturb the picture. We have ordered, for example, the closing of bars and night clubs.

I cannot imagine that people who are doing their duty for the war effort still have the energy to stay out late into the night in such places.

I can only conclude that they are not taking their responsibilities seriously. We have closed these establishments because they began to offend us, and because they disturb the image of the war.

We have nothing against amusements as such. We have also closed luxury restaurants that demand far more resources than is reasonable. It may be that an occasional person thinks that, even during war, his stomach is the most important thing.

We cannot pay him any heed. At the front everyone from the simple soldier to the general field marshal eats from the field kitchen.

I do not believe that it is asking too much to insist that we in the homeland pay heed to at least the basic laws of community thinking.

We can become gourmets once again when the war is over. Right now, we have more important things to do than worry about our stomachs.

Countless luxury stores have also been closed. They often offended the buying public. There was generally nothing to buy, unless perhaps one paid here and there with butter or eggs instead of money.

What good do shops do that no longer have anything to sell, but only use electricity, heating, and human labor that is lacking everywhere else, particularly in the armaments industry.

It is no excuse to say that keeping some of these shops open gives a lovely impression to foreigners. Foreigners will be impressed only by a German victory!

Stormy applause. Everyone will want to be our friend if we win the war. But if we lose, we will be able to count our friends on the fingers of one hand.

We have put an end to such illusions. We want to put these people standing in empty shops to useful work in the war economy. This process is already in motion, and will be completed by 15 March.

It is of course a major transformation in our entire economic life. We are following a plan. We do not want to accuse anyone unjustly or open them to complaints and accusations from every side.

We are only doing what is necessary. But we are doing it quickly and thoroughly. We would rather wear worn clothing for a few years than have our people wear rags for a few centuries.

What good are fashion salons today? They only use light, heat and workers. They will reappear when the war is over.

What good are beauty shops that encourage a cult of beauty and take enormous time and energy? In peace they are wonderful, but a waste of time during war.

Our women and girls will be able to greet our victorious returning soldiers without their peacetime finery. Government offices will work faster and less bureaucratically.

It does not leave a good impression when the office closes on the dot after eight hours. The people are not there for the offices, the offices are there for the people.

One has to work until the work is done. That is a requirement of the war. If the Führer can do that, so can his paid employees. If there is not enough work to fill the extended hours, 10 or 20 or 30 percent of the workers can be transferred to war production and replace other men for service at the front.

That applies to all offices in the homeland. That by itself may make the work in some offices go more quickly and easily.

We must learn from the war to operate quickly, not only thoroughly. The soldier at the front does not have weeks to think things over, to pass his thoughts up the line or let them sit in dusty files.

He must act immediately or lose his life. In the homeland we do not lose our lives if we work slowly, but we do endanger the life of our people.

Everyone must learn to pay heed to war morale, and pay attention to the just demands of working and fighting people.

We are not spoilsports, but neither will we tolerate those who hinder our efforts. It is, for example, intolerable that certain men and women stay for weeks in spas and trade rumors, taking places away from soldiers on leave or from workers who are entitled to a vacation after a year of hard work.

That is intolerable, and we have put an end to it. The war is not a time for amusement. Until it is over, we take our deepest satisfaction in work and battle.

Those who do not understand that by themselves must be taught to understand it, and forced if need be. The harshest measures may be needed.

The railroad serves to transport war goods and travelers on war business. Only those who need a rest from hard work deserve a vacation.

The Führer has not had a day of vacation since the war began. Since the first man of the country takes his duty so seriously and responsibly, it must be expected that every citizen will follow his example.

On the other hand, the government is doing all it can to give working people the relaxation they need in these trying times.

Theaters, movie houses, and music halls remain in full operation. The radio is working to expand and improve its programming. We have no intention of inflicting a gray winter mood on our people.

That which serves the people and keeps up its fighting and working strength is good and essential to the war effort. We want to eliminate the opposite.

To balance the measures I have already discussed, I have therefore ordered that cultural and spiritual establishments that serve the people not be decreased, but increased.

As long as they aid rather than harm the war effort, they must be supported by the government. That applies to sports as well.

Sports are not only for particular circles today, but a matter for the entire people. Military exemptions for athletes are out of place. The front shares our desires.

The entire German people agrees passionately. It is no longer willing to put up with efforts that only waste time and resources. It will not put up with complicated questionnaires on every possible issue.

It does not want to worry about a thousand minor matters that may have been important in peace, but are entirely unimportant during war.

It also does not need to be constantly reminded of its duty by references to the great sacrifices of our soldiers at Stalingrad.

It knows what it has to do. It wants everyone, high and low, rich and poor, to share a spartan life style.

The Führer gives us all an example, one that must be followed by everyone. He knows only work and care. We do not want to leave it all to him, but rather we want to take that part of it from him which we are able to bear.

The present day has a remarkable resemblance for every genuine National Socialist to the period of struggle. We have always acted in the same way.

We were with the people through thick and thin, and that is why the people followed us. We have always carried our burdens together with the people, and therefore they did not seem heavy to us, but rather light.

The people want to be led. Never in history has the people failed a brave and determined leadership a critical hour.

Let me say a few words in this regard about practical measures in our total war effort that we have already taken.

The problem is freeing soldiers for the front, and freeing workers for the armaments industry. These are the primary goals, even at the cost of our standard of social life.

This does not mean a permanent decline in our standard of living. It is only a means to reaching an end, that of total war.

As part of this campaign, hundreds of thousands of military exemptions have been canceled. These exemptions were given because we did not have enough skilled labor to fill the positions that would have been left open by revoking them.

The reason for our current measures is to mobilize the necessary workers. That is why we have appealed to men not working in the war economy, and to women who were not working at all.

They will not and cannot ignore our call. The duty for women to work is broad. That does not however mean that only those included in the law have to work.

Anyone is welcome. The more who join the war effort, the more soldiers we can free for the front. Our enemies maintain that German women are not able to replace men in the war economy.

That may be true for certain fields of heavy labor. But I am convinced that the German woman is determined to fill the spot left by the man leaving for the front, and to do so as soon as possible.

For years, millions of the best German women have been working successfully in war production, and they wait impatiently to be joined and assisted by others.

All those who join in the work are only giving the proper thanks to those at the front.

Er tut das ja nicht einmal seinem eigenen Volke gegenüber. Jeder einzelne fühlt sich persönlich angesprochen. Wir hatten gar keine Berechtigung Twilight Ganzer Film Deutsch Teil 1. Die werden uns kennenlernen!


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